China Book Shelf

Chen Yali and Eric Hagt

Military Astronautics by Chang Xianqi, Li Yunzhi, Luo Xiaoming, Xu Wei, Geng Yandong, Chen Haoguang, Lin Dong
National Defense Industry Publishing House; 2nd Edition, 2005

Introduction to Military Satellites and their Applications by Wang Yonggang and Liu Yuwen
Nation Defense Industry Publishing House, 2003

Military Secrets of the 20th Century: Missile Defense and Weapons of the 21st Century by Maj. Gen. Vladimir Belous (Rtd.), translated by Xu Jindong, Wei Xiaoming, Ji Hua, Wang Chuanhua, Wang Guoqiang, Li Chunmei, Xu Zhiling, Dou Xiaobing
Oriental Publishing House, 2004

Advancing into Space by Shu Xing
People’s Liberation Army Publishing House, 2005

Space Armaments Application by Ling Yunxiang, Xiu Dishan and Xu Peide
National University of Defense Technology Publishing House, 2005



The most defining characteristic of the issue of space security in China has been the nearly complete lack of information about it in the public domain. Judging by the number of books on the subject now available in China’s book stores, that situation may be changing. The year 2005 has seen a spate of new publications by Chinese authors offering a remarkable range of technical knowledge and perspectives on the strategy, politics and economics of space exploration and militarization. From the shelves of China’s national book stores, this review has selected five of the more notable examples of this material that reveal not only what the general public is reading but also how this important topic is being brought out of the shadows and into the public eye.

One of the salient themes running throughout much of the literature is the importance of the revolution in military affairs (RMA) to the Chinese military. The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has been a keen student of the RMA since it was displayed on prime-time television during the first Gulf War in 1991. The quick and overwhelming U.S. victory forced Chinese military strategists to confront the reality that the RMA would be the key to victory on the battlefield for the next 20-50 years. Awed by the show of American high-tech power, the war provided a crucial lesson for the PLA. It understood not only the reality of modern warfare, but also how vulnerable and unprepared the PLA was -- an understanding that triggered a major shift in Chinese military thinking that continues to this day. The publication of Unlimited Warfare, a book widely read in the West and often quoted as representative of PLA thinking on how to respond to the revolutionary change in warfare, was in reality not accepted by the mainstream Chinese military apparatus. Rather, a more representative view of the PLA’s reaction to the RMA, with the military use of space as a crucial element, can be found in the books reviewed below.

As the significance of the RMA grew in China’s military strategic planning, the value of space capabilities grew in tandem -- creating a strong motivating factor for development of China’s aerospace program. Yet, commercial success and profitability are central concerns for China’s space program, as they support the nation’s primary goal of economic development. Thus, the military component is embedded in the development of space technology with an emphasis on civilian products and driven by the principle of economic viability. The dual-use nature of space technology endows China with a self-defense capability. This line of thought is consistent with that of the Chinese leadership since the era of Deng Xiaoping and the push for military reform.

The books reviewed here reveal in stark relief a realistic, yet pessimistic, view about the weaponization of space. The authors of Military Astronautics conclude that “the new military revolution demands that the U.S. and Russia speed up the building of their space power, which is inevitable over time.” In this context, the authors closely reflect upon China’s own national security interests in space. They conclude that space will become a central component of military deterrence in future wars because, in contrast to conventional and even nuclear deterrence, deterrence in space is unbound by national borders and could extend to areas of conflict anywhere around the globe. In addition, space potentially provides an increased capability to threaten strategic assets deep inside the enemy state. Space deterrence is therefore even more credible than nuclear deterrence because of the threat of highly destructive, precise, and rapid conventional strikes.
Another pervading theme among these authors (including one translated from Russian) is the categorical emphasis on a self-defense rationale in space over an offensive strategy. Based on their critiques of American and Russian space doctrines, we can reasonably conclude that the authors assume the Chinese military would seek to counter any attempt by others to deny China’s access to space for its economic and military advantage. A prevailing sense that Chinese military planners see space as a place that holds grave military threats is unmistakable. According to Military Astronautics, the momentum of space militarization, and especially the weaponization of space, is gaining and will ineluctably bring war to outer space. And with this impending reality, countries will look to defend against threats from space, just as they have on land, sea and air.

In a somewhat futuristic tone, the importance of resources in space is a central leitmotif raised by several of the authors. Space is seen as “an indispensable reservoir of resources imperative for human survival and development.” It is the future environment that will be tapped for energy, minerals, living space and as yet unknown assets. Its potential attracts nations to invest in space technology development to compete for better access. Once this competition for resources causes irreconcilable differences, it may lead to confrontation. Advancing into Space highlights the urgency of this problem and the author sees the issues regarding access to orbital slots as the opening gambit in the coming competition over space resources.

These Chinese authors are well aware of the interrelationship between space and economics. The development of space technologies and capabilities has a clear economic rationale. Economic strength, in turn, is seen as the basis for any development of space war-fighting capability. With China’s economic development increasingly dependent on space, space infrastructure in addition will become a strategic target in wartime and thus warrants military protection. This fact leads directly to the need for war-fighting capability in space for defensive purposes.

These newly-published books on the facets of space security generally adhere to two approaches: they are either surveys of the science involved and thus are largely technical, avoiding the difficult analytical and policy issues; or they directly explore matters of national security and space. The latter are more useful for understanding policy and intention, but are often restricted to the discussion of American and Russian strategies. Insights into China’s own military space policy and program are rare, and vague, when they surface. The silence on China’s own program is deafening as the subject is eminently important to the authors, most of whom are experts on space and national security. The feeling of urgency among the authors about the future potential for conflict in space is palpable, yet they do not (or are unable of or unwilling to) provide prescriptions about how China could and should respond. While it is not hard to imagine certain chapters of these books may have been removed and classified for internal discussion, the reader is ultimately left wanting more.

In the course of reading these books, the reader is also reminded that in China -- despite the phenomenon of round-the-clock, live broadcasting of the Shenzhou launches -- space is still a very sensitive area and penetrating policy analysis remains outside the public domain. The system’s instinctual secrecy, the gap between official policy and the unanswered challenges of space weaponization, and the tendency to keep outsiders guessing about its intention and military capability have all contributed to the lack of discussion on China’s own space policy and development. Rather, such knowledge and discourse largely remains the monopoly of the military and has not yet been disseminated to civilian analysts.

A second observation is that the majority of Chinese academic analyses on space (exemplified by this review though with the exception of Military Astronautics) use Chinese and Russian references almost exclusively. Beyond the suspicion that the authors may have limited knowledge of English materials, it begs the more important question of possible motive. The explanation may be relatively benign, as the writers possibly omitted U.S. sources for reasons of political sensitivity. Nevertheless, the use of Chinese and Russian sources, which tend to approach U.S. activity in space with a high level of criticism, may have a political, even nationalistic, impact by instilling a drive for competition and zero-sum thinking on space. This is the mirror image of what is often seen in the highly politicized discussions of China’s space program in the United States. The risk of such methodology on either side, of course, is that it can deepen mistrust and misperception between the United States and China.

In light of these books, a more troubling problem exists in the policy debate on space weaponization in China. That is, American points of view are very rarely mentioned, let alone explained, save those U.S. voices that are most grating to Chinese ears. The lack of a sophisticated understanding of the diverse U.S. perspectives on security in space, no matter how unpalatable any one position may be, undermines the persuasiveness of the Chinese arguments in influencing American thinking and policy-making. One reason may be that, as noted above, the military is in control of the space debate in China, which is problematic not because China’s military analysts are necessarily wrong, but because military officials generally hold one particular and unique viewpoint. Their perspective is focused more on capabilities than intentions, and often concentrates on worst case scenarios in the interest of national security. Militaries are not in the business of giving others the benefit of the doubt. The subtleties of politics and diplomacy often escape military analysts. Therefore, the debate on space security in China may be skewed.

A diversity of voices on this sensitive issue has yet to emerge in China. Nevertheless, the following books have come a long way in providing a richer body of information on the subject where little existed before.

Military Astronautics
By Chang Xianqi, Li Yunzhi, Luo Xiaoming, Xu Wei, Geng Yandong, Chen Haoguang, Lin Dong.
National Defense Industry Publishing House; 2nd Edition, January 2005; ISBN 7-118-03706-0
RMB 40

Military Astronautics is China’s first published and, to date, most definitive study of military space. This book is also the first serious effort by scientists and strategists to build China’s own theoretical framework on military astronautics. It is the product of the key task force on the Study of Space Forces and Space War-fighting under the PLA’s 10th Five-Year Plan on military science research, a joint effort by the PLA’s General Armament Department and reviewed by a group of experts in the Academy of Military Sciences.

The book is divided into three sections on military space: technology; armaments and forces; strategy; and combat. Like other Chinese books on the subject, Military Astronautics deals extensively with American and Russian theories and operations, and is rich in case studies on the conduct of space warfare dating from the first Gulf War to the recent war in Iraq. It attempts to explore military strategies and theories of space warfare based on the thinking and operations of the authors’ American and Russian counterparts.

However, it is highly unique in that it displays an independence of thought that cuts through the idiom of diplomacy and propaganda that has characterized much of the relevant literature in China to date. While the authors dwell on theories rather than actual situations, they do so from a realistic point of view that approaches the analytical standards of Western military publications. The book’s brilliance lies in its candor and honesty, which, on a subject of great sensitivity in China, is a laudable accomplishment.

The authors also strive to systematically define much of the difficult language surrounding this subject. This includes terms like space forces, space deterrence and the space battlefield, as well as concepts such as ground force enhancement. They reach far and wide in explaining theoretical ideas and technical terminology. Interestingly, it is also the only book among those reviewed here that has English references.

The first five chapters are compiled by Senior Col. Li Yunzhi, professor in the PLA Armament Command & Technology Academy, who does not shy away from the possible military use of manned spacecraft. Although in her analysis there is no specific reference to China’s own manned space program, she believes that manned space shuttles have potential in providing more effective human surveillance, experiments with new space weapons, and are more adept in maneuvering highly complex war-fighting operations in space. She views space planes -- such as the National Aerospace Plane (NASP), which NASA and the U.S. Defense Department were once jointly designing -- as potentially powerful strategic weapons. Li herself successfully designed the support system for the air- and ground- joint search command for China’s manned space program, among other systems.

In the section authored by Maj. Gen. Chang Xianqi, former president of the PLA Armament Command & Technology Academy, the concept of space forces is explored. He defines the term as referring to “the forces a country possesses to enter, utilize and control space in order to realize national strategic goals.” The ability to fight an information-based war through the utilization of space forces is crucial to national security and the national interest. He believes that space deterrence impacts and constrains the enforcement of conventional and nuclear deterrence. Military surveillance satellites have reduced the possibility of war by greatly increasing military transparency and therefore preventing both sides from hastily launching a war. In this way, space technology of the 21st century reconciles with Chinese strategic thinking of 2,500 years ago that “the height of skill is to subdue the enemy without fighting.”

Luo Xiaoming draws out the dangers of debris and space warfare. He sees “soft kill/injure” (interfering with and jamming satellite signals) as superior to “hard kill/injure” (destroying enemy satellites) in controlling space, as the latter would cause debris that could in turn damage other spacecraft. He also lays out the subtle distinctions of offensive versus defensive confrontation in space. Because satellites have fixed orbits, and are easy targets, they are inherently vulnerable to attack -- factors that impact notions of offense as part of protection and defense. Three approaches to anti-satellite (ASAT) warfare are discussed: the use of satellites against other satellites, the use of missiles against satellites and the use of lasers against satellites. A number of ASAT tactics are explored as well, such as directed energy and kinetic energy weapons, jamming devices, ambush and interception in space, and even seizure of enemy satellites with mechanical arms on space shuttles. He points out, however, the survivability of satellites will improve by strengthening the capability for advanced orbital maneuvering, installing sensors and arming with defense weapons.

Xu Wei switches gears with a discussion on the legal instruments governing space, particularly the Outer Space Treaty (OST), which leads to some provocative conclusions. On the one hand, the author points out that the OST doesn’t explicitly prohibit warfare in space or from space; nonetheless such military action could only be conducted under “sufficient reason” such as self-defense or protection of allies. Also, since the OST fails to mention non-WMD (weapons of mass destruction), deployment of kinetic energy and directed energy weapons would not technically contravene the treaty. At the same time, attack against any on-orbit spacecraft of any country would violate a nation’s sovereignty. In this complex and potentially insecure situation, Xu is seeking a logical argument whereby a country would be justified in waging battle in space within the strictures of international law, an option that China should reserve. China must adhere to the fundamental principles of international laws, he says, but “neither should she tie her own hands and feet.”

Introduction to Military Satellites and their Applications
By Wang Yonggang and Liu Yuwen
Nation Defense Industry Publishing House; May 2003; ISBN 7-118-03114-3
RMB 25

This book is a fairly dry, technical manual on military satellites and their applications. However, it is of particular interest as one of the 16 textbooks listed for the exam used in recruiting PhD candidates to the PLA Armament Command & Technology Academy on the subject of Military Command Theory.

With an impressive passion for detail, the authors cover a range of basics including the history of China’s satellite development, the fundamental science of satellites, satellite components, launch systems, and recovery technology. It also includes a list, although incomplete, of the successes and failures of China’s own satellite launches between 1970 and 2000. But, as with other books on the subject, this one also sticks to analyzing U.S. capabilities in space, with a particular focus on the Global Positioning System (GPS) satellite navigation network and its use in precision weapons guidance.

Introduction to Military Satellites and their Applications becomes interesting with the authors’ enthusiasm about small satellites and micro-satellites for military purposes. Most of the discussion is generic, focusing on the capabilities of the largest space power, the United States, but including reviews of advances by smaller powers such as Sweden. The chapter dedicated to small satellites notes the important shift from large-sized satellites to small satellites by the U.S. military, with numerous contingency launches during the first Gulf War and the Kosovo War. Very little information on China’s own military satellites is offered up. However, the authors do note that small satellites are becoming the new favorites of modern warfare because, compared to large satellites, they are far less costly, have a short lifespan, are easy to launch, and are especially suitable for mobile and agile applications on the battlefield. The book then covers China’s research and development on small satellites, at Tsinghua University and Harbin Insitute of Technology (HIT) in particular, and notes a number of successful small satellite launches.

Chapter VII on “Comprehensive application of military satellites in modern warfare” studies the use of U.S. military satellites in recent wars, but also includes a section on ASATs, as developed by the Soviet Union and the United States. The authors cover the 21 ASAT tests by the former Soviet Union between 1968 and 1983 (including one over NATO territory), of which 60 percent were successful, “proving that their satellite interception technology had matured and could be applied in real battlefield situations.” The authors even suggest that “such weapons have been improved since then in order to meet the challenge of U.S. missile defense.” The authors also cite a number of U.S. ASAT technologies and past tests. However, the discussion of U.S. and Russian ASAT development is not complete or up-to-date, providing even less information than what can be found in the Chinese press -- illustrating a sense of necessary restraint on this sensitive topic.

This book is notable as a PLA recruitment textbook for its focus in terms of the trends in military satellite application. The authors conclude by saying, “we must develop our own military satellite system to establish a ‘network’ against such space threats to protect our territorial land, seas and air…and fully exploit the role of military satellite systems in modern warfare.”

Military Secrets of the 20th Century: Missile Defense and Weapons of the 21st Century
By Maj. Gen. Vladimir Belous (Rtd.)
Translated by Xu Jindong, Wei Xiaoming, Ji Hua, Wang Chuanhua, Wang Guoqiang, Li Chunmei, Xu Zhiling, Dou Xiaobing
Oriental Publishing House; September 2004; ISBN 7-5060-1850-0

At first blush, it may seem out of place to include a book penned by a Russian author in a review on space and security in China. But, if you are what you read, then “Missile Defense and Weapons of the 21st Century” by Maj. Gen. Vladimir Belous, the only foreign book (in translation) on space to be found in the book stores, gives a taste of what the Chinese are reading and therefore what may be shaping popular perspectives. Interestingly, the sober title provided by this professor at the Academy of Military Sciences in Russia was ‘sexed up’ for the Chinese version to become “Military Secrets of the 20th Century.” But more importantly, Belous holds a cynical view about the United States and its “militarist” plans for missile defense, believing that Russia has no alternative but to “counter U.S. missile defenses by various means.”

The book begins with an overview of the history and future of arms control, nuclear weapons and a variety of new space weapons and technologies developed in the age of ‘Star Wars.’ The last two chapters concentrate on U.S. missile defense plans and Russia’s response. Not unexpectedly, Belous believes some Western countries, including the United States, still implement policies to “weaken and divide” Russia. He therefore puts great emphasis on nuclear weapons, believing nuclear weapons will safeguard the territory and unity of Russia. By building a missile defense network, the United States is attempting to negate Russia’s nuclear deterrent and build up an overwhelming military advantage. This will force Russia to look for allies and forge a united front against the United States, which will effectively dismantle current disarmament regimes and cast the shadow of a ‘second Cold War’ over the world. His conclusion stems from his hard-boiled realism, which sees a United States that has pursued its own interests at all costs, including the compromise of treaties, lies, deceit and abandonment of promises. Belous does not discuss Russia’s perspective on China’s capabilities or how China and Russia could cooperate to deter the United States. His conclusion for the need to develop and test highly effective missile penetration capabilities to counter U.S. missile defenses, however, might find an audience among Chinese strategists who feel militarily constrained by limitations similar to those of Russia.

Contrary to how the Chinese popularly see the Russian stand on U.S. withdrawal from the Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) treaty, Belous’ discussion here concludes, “The U.S. made a wrong decision, but it doesn’t threaten Russia’s security. Weapons to penetrate these defense capabilities are rapidly improving.”

All in all, this book paints a dim picture of U.S. intentions, U.S.-Russia relations and the prospects for negotiations over issues of space security. Due to its strong point of view, it is therefore regrettable that a translated American rebuttal is not also available on the books shelves of the Xinhua Bookstore.

Advancing into Space
By Shu Xing
People’s Liberation Army Publishing House; April 2005; ISBN7-5065-4604-3/G 282
RMB 26

‘Shu Xing’, the author of this book, means ‘star of Sichuan.’ It is doubtless a pen name and a thinly veiled reference to Sichuan province, where Xichang, one of China’s launch sites, is located. The uncertainty of the author’s identity thus leaves vague who in China is represented by this book’s very candid recommendations for China to actively pursue military options in space. Yet, Advancing into Space contains some unusual quotations from a range of space experts, scientists and government officials that give some noteworthy insights into China’s internal discussion on the subject.

In fact, the majority of the book covers an eclectic collection of concepts and technologies in a manner that comes across like a survey of space for enthusiasts. It sometimes takes a familiar tone in covering subjects such as launch vehicles and manned space, but also digresses to more farfetched topics such as popular space travel and space immigration. Much of the book seems to be for public consumption, but the author(s) is trying to make a serious attempt to impress upon the reader that space holds innumerable resources and opportunities that China must not miss.

In Chapter 10 the book switches gears and addresses the need for China to take action. Entitled “The Tragedy of Earth Must not be Repeated,” Chapter 10 offers the pessimistic judgment that mankind is indeed condemned to repeat history and space will see confrontation, conflict and war just as Earth has. According to this author, space has become the new environment for man to carry out experiments and enhance scientific understanding, but also a new venue for weapons that give some nations great advantage over others. Thus, space is crucially important both for its resources and as a strategic arena. In space, nations will compete to express their strength, and thus struggles in international politics will increasingly be inseparable from space. Shu Xing argues that “space belongs to the world, so those who want to control space alone will see their dream dashed just as happened in the past with those who pursued the control of the land and the sea.”

Predictably, blame for the author’s gloomy predictions falls on the United States. American unilateral efforts to develop missile defense capabilities and space weapons, as well as its withdrawal from the ABM treaty, are seen as having paved the way for global deployment of weapons in space. The United States ignores international rules and violates other nations’ sovereignty. It extends such behavior from Earth to space, because it is too powerful and thus treats international law as “private” law -- i.e., law that can be manipulated and law to which the United States is less subject than others. As a result, small and weaker countries, refusing to tie their fate to laws and treaties that no longer provide security guarantees, may choose to ultimately arm themselves with cheap but effective asymmetric capabilities such as ASATs.

By way of conclusion, the book offers a number of prescriptions for China’s future development in space, all of which push China to play a more active role than it presently does. China, Shu Xing argues, must strive to attain a position of advantage in order to exploit space resources, for instance by accelerating the launch of satellites to occupy more orbital slots. China’s satellite communications network presently serves mainly the government, military, big corporations and multinationals, but should concentrate more on the development of the military than on the commercial applications of space. Learning from the lessons of other major military space powers, China should focus on a few key areas to rapidly develop its combat capabilities in air and space, and should do so through independent development rather than follow others. The author believes China needs to build a ‘Great Wall in space’ to prevent slaughter and bloodshed on Earth from being repeated in space.

Space Armaments Application
By Ling Yunxiang, Xiu Dishan and Xu Peide
National University of Defense Technology Publishing House; May 2005; ISBN 7-81099-179-5/TJ 2
RMB 32

Wide-ranging theorizing about the present and future role of military assets in space forms the theme of this book, which is based on the authors’ graduate course on the subject at the National University of Defense Technology. Although this book is somewhat disappointing in its complete lack of analysis of China’s own military capabilities and plans in space, it does flesh out a number of intriguing ideas for the application of military satellites.

Although the military satellite systems designed by the Soviet Union and the United States in the 20th Century played an important role in the Cold War era, current Russian and U.S. capabilities do not meet the requirements of modern warfare, according to the authors. Both the first Gulf War and the Kosovo War illustrated a number of problems with the U.S. satellite architecture: it does not have contingency launch capacity; it does not provide comprehensive, 24/7 global coverage; it has difficulty tracking mobile targets; and it cannot reliably identify missile decoys

As information warfare utilizes space, countries will build tactical military satellites including contingency-based, maneuverable micro-satellites; increase the accuracy of surveillance satellites for target discrimination; and expand the number of communication satellites. At the current rate of technological development, the authors believe, the level of military satellite sophistication will take a big leap by 2010. As warfare in space emerges in the 21st Century, military satellites will not be limited to logistical and support functions alone; rather they will also take on combat roles in future space confrontations.

Military satellites will become both larger and more miniaturized, with reliable, launch-on-demand to respond quickly to military contingencies. They will also need robust self-protection and recovery systems to maintain a high degree of survivability under enemy attack. The authors further suggest military satellites will become far more integrated, with capabilities for on-orbit rather than ground-based control. By 2020, most major space powers will have built military satellite networks with major tactical capabilities that can directly undertake combat operations.